The Israeli ambassador served in Hungary for five years, during which he had many defining experiences – but the most memorable was not a happy one: the isolation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. In this interview, he shares the advice he gave to his successor, his views on a possible resolution to the Gaza conflict, and why the Gaza Strip has become more radicalized than other Palestinian territories. He also discusses the internal divisions within Israeli society and the future of the Middle Eastern region.
What was the most memorable moment about Hungary during your stay here as an ambassador?
It’s difficult to say because I’ve been here for five years and have had many experiences, a lot of good things. But I think the most memorable moment is not a very happy one. It was at the very beginning of my term when the COVID-19 outbreak started. Borders closed, flights were canceled, and I found myself, like many others, isolated. It felt like being a prisoner in a golden cage due to the strict rules of both the Israeli Foreign Ministry and the Hungarian government.
For example, I was separated from my wife because she was in Israel, and I was here. We couldn’t see each other for a long time. First, there was no transport because all flights were canceled. Later, even when flights resumed, there were strict quarantine rules. Unfortunately, this is my most memorable experience, but it had nothing to do with Hungary itself—it was simply my fate to be here at that time. Otherwise, I had many great moments in this country: the food, tourism, interesting debates, and the overall atmosphere.
What advice would you give to the new ambassador?
Well, I’ve already given my advice privately, so I’ll leave it at that. But I believe that every ambassador has their own approach. Even in today’s digital era, diplomacy is not a production line. Each ambassador brings their own personality and methods. I’m sure my successor will do a great job.
You’re here today to talk about the events in Gaza. What do you think could be the solution to the conflict?
Right now, it’s difficult to talk about a solution because emotions are still running very high in Israel. The fighting is ongoing—Hamas is still there, and the hostages are still being held. Until Hamas is militarily defeated and the hostages are freed, there can be no real end to this.
But at some point, we will have to find a settlement. A solution depends on both parties accepting reality: that this land must be shared between two nations. Think of it like a business deal—if both sides want an agreement, it can happen. But if one side insists on “all or nothing,” as the Palestinian leadership has often done, then the conflict will never end. Unfortunately, at this moment, I don’t see a permanent solution. I hope that over time, attitudes will change, and we can get back on track toward peace.
Why is the Gaza Strip more radicalized and militarized than other Palestinian territories?
The answer is simple: because we are not there. In 2005, Israel unilaterally withdrew from Gaza, dismantling all settlements. We handed control over to the Palestinian Authority, but Hamas took over two years later. Since then, they have ruled with an iron fist.
Hamas is not just a militant group; they have a radical, murderous ideology similar to ISIS—perhaps even worse. Their goal is not just to fight Israel but to destroy it completely. They make this clear in their statements and actions. In contrast, the West Bank is under the control of the Palestinian Authority, and the Israeli military presence prevents Hamas from taking over there as well. If we withdrew from the West Bank tomorrow, Hamas would likely take over within days. The problem with Hamas is that you can’t negotiate peace with a group that doesn’t want peace. The October 7th attack proved that they deliberately planned a massacre, hoping it would lead to Israel’s collapse.
Israeli society is also divided between religious and secular people, and even within the religious communities. What can the Israeli government do to make society more peaceful?
Right now, if you ask Israelis about a two-state solution, nobody wants to hear about it. The trauma from the October 7th attacks is still fresh. Hamas didn’t just attack Israel; they committed brutal atrocities—torturing, murdering children and elderly people, raping women. They even killed Israeli Arabs, foreign workers from the Philippines and Thailand, and African students who came on scholarships. They made no distinction.
And they filmed everything—using GoPro cameras to broadcast their actions live. So today, there is no discussion in Israel about peace with Hamas.
Yes, we have internal debates in Israel—about judicial reform, about democracy. But let’s be clear: Israel is a democracy. And in a democracy, debates happen. One of Hamas’ biggest mistakes was misreading Israeli society. They thought that because we were arguing internally, we were weak. But when the war started, even those who had opposed military service due to political disputes were the first to volunteer.
On the Palestinian side, we are now seeing something new—protests in Gaza against Hamas. For the first time, people are openly demanding that Hamas step down. But Hamas rules through fear—they publicly execute people to keep them in line. If these protests grow, perhaps something will change.
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There is a Hungarian celebrity, Kristóf Steiner, who lived in Israel and once mentioned that he used to party in Ramallah. His Israeli friends were shocked. He felt that communication between ordinary people was missing. What’s your view on that?
Since the Second Intifada in 2000, Israeli Jews have been prohibited from entering Palestinian territories due to security concerns. Israeli Arabs can still go, but for Jewish Israelis, it’s dangerous.
Ramallah is just seven minutes from Jerusalem by car—very close. On one hand, this proximity could be an advantage for coexistence, but on the other hand, it also makes the conflict even more intense. Before 1993, before the Oslo Accords, there was much more interaction between Israelis and Palestinians. But ironically, after the peace process began, violence increased. The Second Intifada, with over 1,500 Israelis killed, created a deep divide.
Whenever negotiations happened, Israel always said yes to U.S. peace proposals. The Palestinians always found a reason to delay. Then came October 7th, proving again that the conflict isn’t just about land—it’s about ideology. If the Palestinian leadership doesn’t accept coexistence, there won’t be peace.
My last question is about Syria. With the changes in its government and internal turmoil, how do you think this will affect regional stability?
What happened in Syria took many by surprise. The Assad regime seemed strong, yet it collapsed rapidly in some areas, allowing jihadist groups to take control. Syria is a deeply divided country, with significant Christian and Druze minorities, as well as Kurds. The involvement of Turkey and Iran complicates things further.
For Israel, Syria has always been a challenge, but at least the Assad regime operated within certain rules. The jihadist groups that took over are unpredictable. We don’t trust them, and we are watching closely. If they attack us, we will respond—not proportionally, but decisively. Israel has learned from October 7th that we cannot take security threats lightly.
– Sándor N. Nagy –
